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中國和中東歐國家合作的影響 - 通往歐洲的門戶或修正主義的後門?

為了解決your answer is corre的問題，作者沃鐵克 這樣論述：

There is an ongoing academic debate over the rise of China, and its impact on the future international landscape. What can be observed in the past two decades, is that China increased its skills to navigate the complex political landscapes of selected states and regional platforms, including locali

zed forms of multilateralism (or so-called multi-bilateralism). These platforms can be claimed to work towards the re-conceptualization of China’s rise in Europe, and a larger global scale.One of the significant grounds of this phenomenon is the engagement between China and Europe. The comprehensive

cooperation between China and the EU started over a decade ago in the belief that its strategic engagement with Beijing will influence it on the domestic and foreign policy arena, to the image desired by the European continent. In the past 10 years, the stated relationship was based on the policy o

f so-called unconditional engagement, which meant nothing more than allowing China to have a chance of making one-sided use of all its liberties and market rules governing countries within the EU. One of the turning points of that relationships was the 2008 financial crisis, which while putting more

pressure on Beijing to support the stability of the international governance systems, gave the country (rich in financial means) a chance to increase its engagement with its neighboring countries, and started a new chapter in its political and economic relationships around the globe, including Euro

pe.Questions asked in regards to these relationships are largely bipolar, and generally depend on the perspective of China and the West. This view, on the European side, poses a degree of fragmentation, largely associated with differences in the conceptualization of understanding of a strategic bila

teral relationship, bilateral relationships of individual stakeholders, regional engagement, and the different platforms of implementation of policies on the two continents. Among stated differences, one important issue is how to uphold the necessary level of regional political independence of Europ

e, and how to accommodate sub-regional engagement of China in line with “building of new international relations of new era” on one side, and the commitment to the Western world order based on the widely accepted values and present form of international governance system on the other.The second half

of 2010’s witnessed an increase in cross-regional multi-bilateral (or multilateral) formats, including areas of South-East Asia, Caribbean, Africa, and Europe that are often based on the perception of policymakers in Beijing. They can contribute to the simplification of China’s policy implementatio

n in the areas of geographic and political significance to China, especially in the neighborhood regions to its “major-country diplomacy” fronts (Russia, European Union, and the U.S.). One of first of such formats is the Cooperation between China and Central Eastern European Countries, or 16+1, whic

h became an important element in the Sino-European landscape.In a nutshell, this research aims to determine and assess the concepts and structure of stated multi-bilateral 16+1 cooperation, located in the frontline of the West versus East relations. The questions being asked during this research are

related to the impact of Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries, with the application of additional theoretical framework – utilizing elements of the neo-tributary perspective of international relations – that may help to assess 16+1 role in Chinese revisionism of cont

emporary international relations. The main research question is what impact the China-CEEC Cooperation generates on the development of the cross-regional EU-China strategic partnership, therefore is it complementary, constitutes a part of the wider sub-regional relationship between European Communit

y and PRC, or perhaps on contrary creates negative impact or no impact at all. The time perspective of the research centered between 2012 (the year of mechanism establishment) and the end of the first quarter of 2019 (8th China-CEEC Summit). The first 7 years before the first mechanism enlargement b

y accepting Greece as a “full-fledged member” it’s also the time that ended the “16+1” and started the “17+1” cooperation.There are three levels of analysis applied in this work, exploring the Belt and Road, 16+1 sub-regional engagement and bilateral relationships within the title process, with the

use of theories of complex interdependence, neo-liberalism, ideas of regionalism and thoughts on neo-functionalism. It aims to assess the stake in support of the new international relations of China and explore the impact of 16+1 process on the EU-China relationship. Since it is discussing an ongoi

ng process, it does not aim at providing a definitive conclusion, but rather streamline the first stage of 16+1 presence.The first level of analysis streamlines the ideas behind the largest outside platform of external engagement of China, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It draws the shared elem

ents between that initiative and 16+1 explaining the contemporary shifts influencing certain political courses that are discussed over the following pages. The second level is based on an analysis of the 16+1 cooperation mechanism itself from the (multilateral) regional level. It assesses its multi-

bilateral nature, and present conditions calling for a new form of sub-regionalization explained in institutionalization pieces of evidence of a discussed cooperation format. The third level touches upon the bilateral aspects of cooperation between China and CEEC’s, with the EU implications, to allo

w in the assessment of the impact on the cross-regional overall relationship. The last part is the analysis of findings from the stated three levels of analysis based on two frameworks, of which one underlines the impact of the 16+1 cooperation and the other one help to contextualize a claimed prese

nce of China’s revisionism in Europe. The above steps may also help to evaluate whether any preliminary motives originally existed as the objective of this mechanism and if they serve a wider purpose in the context of the whole Eurasian landmass.

國小學童批判思考表現與看電視行為之相關研究—以南投縣之學童為例

為了解決your answer is corre的問題，作者林誼宣 這樣論述：

本研究的主要目的在探討南投縣國小五年級學童(9 所共計756 人；男生395人、女生361 人)批判思考表現與看電視行為之關係。學生們以團體施測的方式接受「個人基本資料調查表」、「批判思考測驗—第一級」、「批判思考意向量表」等三項量表之測驗。調查所得資料經描述統計分析、單因子變異數分析、t 考驗、皮爾森積差相關及逐步多元迴歸分析等統計方法進行分析，用以檢視研究目的。本研究的主要結果包括：一、國小學童的批判思考能力以辨認假設能力最高，而以評鑑能力最低；批判思考意向整體上屬於中高程度以上的水準。二、家庭社經地位較高之國小學童其批判思考能力顯著優於家庭社經地位較低者；高家庭社經地位之國小學童其批判

思考意向顯著優於低家庭社經地位之國小學童。三、不同性別的國小學童的批判思考能力並無差異；但女生的批判思考意向顯著高於男生。四、學業成績愈佳的國小學童，其批判思考能力與批判思考意向相對較佳。五、國小學童收看電視時間愈長，其批判思考能力與批判思考意向相對愈低。六、學童最常收看的電視節目類型為電影、影集或連續劇，最少收看的是新聞節目；不同收看電視類型之學童在批判思考能力上無差異，而批判思考意向上則具有顯著差異。七、國小學童的家庭社經地位、國語科成績及學科平均成績可以顯著預測學生的批判思考能力；而社會科成績、看電視時間及家庭社經地位則可以顯著預測學生的批判思考意向。